The Trial

26 Mar

The Trial is a compelling multi-screen visual art installation on healthcare and human rights in the Irish criminal justice system. Directed and produced by Visual Artist Sinead McCann, The Trial is a collaborative artwork made with men from the Bridge Project, Dublin, who have lived prison experiences, and draws from historical research by UCD historians, Catherine Cox and Fiachra Byrne. It will be exhibited from 13-26 April in the Old Courthouse, Kilaminham Goal Museum, Dublin 8.

Three characters – Tommy, Charlie, Neilí  – tell the real-life stories of those who were held and worked in Irish penal institutions during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Tommy, played by Irish actor Tommy O’Neill, (Inspector; Irish drama Fair City), performs a series of monologues created by five men from the Bridge Project about their own experience of healthcare in Irish prison and draws on individual cases from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The focus is on experiences of solitary confinement, dealing with separation from family, as well as men’s nutrition, and their mental and physical health while in prison.  O’Neill, who served a prison sentence in Ireland, brings his experience to the role.

Charlie, played by Charlie Hughes Farrell (Kildare Youth Theatre), delivers a series of monologues related to health and based on the men’s childhood experiences of detention in Saint Patrick’s Institution. It also draws on an official enquiry into conditions at Saint Patrick’s Institution in the 1960s.

Neilí, played by Irish actor Neilí Conroy (Kitty; Irish drama Love/Hate) performs responses from professionals working in the criminal justice field in Ireland to the monologues. These include representatives from the Irish Prison Service, a prison chaplain, an addiction counsellor, two ex-governors, and a representative from the Irish Penal Reform Trust.

The visual art installation offers multiple perspectives from people who have been held and have worked in Irish penal institutions on the long history of healthcare in prison, inviting visitors to reflect on individual experiences across history and on the human right to health.

  • Director and Producer: Visual Artist Sinead McCann
  • Script Writer: Sarah Meaney
  • Video Production: Sixbetween

Exhibition Run

13-26 April 2018, Old Courthouse in Kilmainham Goal Museum, Dublin 8. Entrance is Free. Find The Trial visual art installation at www.eventbrite.ie/ and register your free attendance for access to the art installation

Funded by the Arts Council, Dublin City Council and the Wellcome Trust.

 

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Universal Declaration of Human Rights at 70

21 Mar

Maynooth University Department of Law is hosting a two-day conference, ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights at Seventy: A Review of Successes and Challenges’. The event will take place on 21st-22nd June.

The call for papers is now open (deadline April 29th). Applicants are asked to send a 300 word abstract to udhrat70@gmail.com

For more details, including keynote speakers and registration, please see: Call for Papers 2.

Irish Criminal Justice Expert Needed!

13 Mar

Luca Machnich, an Italian screenwriter and director, is seeking an expert guide to the Irish criminal justice system to help with a film he is currently working on. Luca debuted with a short film that won 200 international awards, and is currently working on a screenplay for a full-length mystery film set in an unidentified Irish village where police are investigating the disappearance of a number children.

Luca has a budget to pay for an Irish script supervisor to ensure the accuracy of the portrayal of the investigation and criminal justice agencies in the film.

For more information on the director/screenwriter or the plot of the film, please contact this e-mail address addproduzioni@yahoo.it

Shane O’Mahony: The Neoliberalisation of Addiction Understandings in Ireland

16 Feb

ICRN is very pleased to host a guest blog from Shane O’Mahony, a PhD researcher at the University of Manchester. Shane is researching drug addiction in Ireland, approaching the issue from both an historical as well as a contemporary perspective. His research has involved conducting qualitative interviews with people who have drug addiction issues in his native Cork City.

The Neoliberalisation of Addiction Understandings in Ireland:

Continuities and Discontinuities in Irish Addiction History

It seems to me that the real political task in a society such as ours is to criticise the workings of institutions that appear to be both neutral and independent. To attack them in such a way that political violence which has always exerted itself obscurely through them, will be unmasked, so that one can fight against them‘ (Michel Foucault, Chomsky-Foucault debate 1971).

Many social commentators (see here and  here) have noted that a key feature of Neoliberal social policy globally, is a shift away from attempts to uncover the cause(s) of social problems, and toward an attempt to minimise the risks associated with them. In the case of crime and homelessness in Ireland, this has taken the form of a massive increase in the prison population (see IPRT here), as well as the passing of a number of legislative acts criminalising begging (see the Criminal Justice Act 2011 for example) and other behaviours which homeless individuals are likely to engage in (street drinking, and loitering, for example). At the same time we have witnessed, particularly since the 2008 financial crisis, a reduction in spending in social services which have traditionally attempted to alleviate social deprivation (seen as an important contextual factor in crime causation) and to provide social housing, and other measures intended to provide a safety net for the most vulnerable.

However, in the realm of addiction it seems, at least on the face of it, that Irish policy is moving in a more enlightened and humane direction. Indeed,  the Government’s most recent policy document entitled ‘Reducing Harm, Supporting Recovery: A Health-led Response to Drug and Alcohol Use in Ireland 2017-2025′ , argues that addiction is a health problem rather than a criminal one. Is it the case then that addiction policy in Ireland is running counter to domestic and international policy trends in relation to social problems? Or is there more to this development than the Government simply moving in the direction of a policy more sympathetic to those suffering with addiction?

The key to answering this question, I believe, is a reconceptualisation of how power operates, and of how our understandings and conceptualisations of social problems develop across time, along the lines suggested by Michel Foucault. Foucault argued famously that social theorists should ‘cut off the king’s head’. Cutting through Foucault’s grisly poetics, this can be interpreted as a call to shift our gaze from an excessive focus on the state – its policy, concepts, and influence – to a broader appreciation of the many and varied sites from which power can operate; often in subtle and powerful ways. This is potentially beneficial as there seems to be a tendency among those who analyse drug and alcohol policy in Ireland to create a dichotomy between vested interests on the one hand, and progressive campaigners interested only in the public good on the other.

In terms of alcohol policy this has taken the form of the alcohol industry, in particular the Vintner’s Association, being portrayed as nefarious and interested in only their bottom line, rejecting the ‘objective evidence’ demonstrating a link between alcohol advertising and binge-drinking. At the other side of this dichotomy, we find those supporting population-based alcohol consumption models (for example, the medical profession) who argue that certain supply and demand measures (minimum pricing, stricter regulation of advertising, for example) can tilt the balance of incentives and disincentives in favour of a reduction in total population consumption levels, and alcohol problems more generally. In terms of drug policy, the dichotomy is between reactionary drug war supporters arguing for criminalisation and punitive measures intended to punish addicts, and public-health inspired campaigners arguing in favour of viewing addiction as a medical issue. However, a Foucauldian inspired perspective enables us to look beyond such dichotomies.

This shift in focus alerts us to the fact that Irish thinking in relation to alcohol and drug problems has never been, and still isn’t, based on an objective appraisal of the available evidence. Indeed one does not have to think very hard to come to the realisation that such a conceptualisation is not even possible. Facts do not speak for themselves, they must be selected, analysed, and placed within a framework. As psychologists have taught us, such a process is extremely vulnerable to confirmation bias and to our deeply held beliefs and prejudices. Furthermore, as Jean-Francis Lyotard reminds us, the social world is infinitely complex and the narratives and frameworks we deploy in order to render it more understandable are always incomplete, contingent, and intimately influenced by broader political-economic and socio-cultural processes.

So it has been in the history of addiction in Ireland, and two crucial developments will illustrate this point. Shane Butler and Tony Jordan have conducted extensive research on the emergence of the disease concept of alcoholism in an Irish context. In a number of books and articles they demonstrate how the disease concept of alcoholism was accepted initially, not because of the weight of scientific evidence in its favour, but rather, due to broader socio-cultural and political-economic developments. Indeed, the crucial neuroscientific evidence in favour of the disease model only emerged decades later with the advent of modern medical technology (FMRIs etc). Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and their ambassadors in Ireland had been trying to champion the disease theory since AA’s first European meeting was held in Dublin in 1946. However, initially they were met with an extremely hostile reaction from the Church, and indifference from government and the medical profession. This all changed in the late 1950s, and it is the timing that is crucial here.

The late 1950s represented a watershed in Irish history. The Government initiated its ‘First Programme for Economic Expansion’ which shifted Irish economic policy from a focus on protectionism and the promotion of native industry, to an aggressive policy of economic liberalism, free trade, and an attempt to attract foreign direct investment. Within this context, Ireland’s outdated and restrictive licensing laws came under attack. Indeed, in 1959 the country liberalised its licensing laws allowing for longer opening hours and easier access to alcohol in general. Despite the Catholic Church opposing this legislation, the Government quoted World Health Organisation research, which argued that alcoholism was a disease of a tiny number of susceptible individuals,  unrelated to population consumption levels. Furthermore, with the advent of foreign holidays and increasing access to the mass media, it is not surprising that the country at large became more receptive to the influence of global policy. Furthermore, the medical profession, eager to fall in line with international best practice, were at the forefront of setting up the Irish National Council on Alcoholism in the coming years. In relation to the Church, Butler and Jordan demonstrate that it was the AA’s ambassador’s theological and organisational sophistication which slowly broke down their resistance to the ‘alcoholism as a disease’ construct. I would add to this the fact that articles began to appear in The Furrow (the Church’s seminary journal), which highlighted alcohol problems among priests, and a drive to modernise the Church in the aftermath of the Second Vatican Council.

Today’s embrace of Neoliberalism – and its attendant focus on the risks related to alcohol and drug use – is no more an embrace of the objective evidence and a move towards a more enlightened policy, than was the acceptance of the ‘alcoholism as a disease’ concept. To better comprehend this shift, one need only examine the policy documents from the late 1990s to the present (see Rabbitte, 1997; Ryan, 2001; Ahern, 2005; Irish Government, 2013; Irish Government, 2017). Throughout each document we see a shift away from discussing causation and towards risk, minimising risk, inter-agency co-operation to contain disorder among those at risk, and, in particular, the need to minimise the risks associated with intravenous drug use. A similar trend is noticeable in the Irish Medical Journal, The Furrow, and indeed the media.

However, such a shift in addiction understandings can be located in a Neoliberal response to the disorder produced by socio-cultural and political-economic restructuring, in particular the 2008 financial crisis. Indeed, none of the policy documents mentioned, nor any articles published in The Furrow, or the Irish Medical Journal, examine the impact of structural readjustment on alcohol and drug related problems. Instead we find a prominent discourse which blames alcohol and drugs for a host of social problems including: crime, suicide, rape, sexual assault, and violence.  At the same time this discourse focuses overtly on minimising risk and eschews discussions of causation. This represents a type of ‘New Managerialism’ whereby market principles and ideologies are used to contain the disorders (or risks) associated with social problems and ‘problem populations’, which is indicative of Neoliberal social policy. Discussions of broader socio-cultural and political-economic processes are afforded little credence and a host of political commentators attempt to depoliticise social policy with calls for ‘evidence-based’ and ‘objective’ policy-making.

However, as has been demonstrated throughout, our thinking, understanding, and responses to alcohol and drug problems are overtly political and always have been. Rather than being based on objective evidence, addiction understandings are produced by power struggles within society and broader socio-cultural and political-economic processes. An approach to addiction policy and understanding, based on a Foucauldian (and indeed a broader post-structuralist) perspective, highlights this and encourages us to challenge those who would impose an ideological (Neoliberal) position under the guise of objective evidence-based policy. What Irish addiction policy and debate needs is more deep discussion of politics, economy, and philosophy, and less rhetoric in relation to ‘objective evidence and policy’. The most immediate political task, however, is to demonstrate the historically contingent and ideologically based nature of addiction understandings and responses. This has the potential to create an opportunity to challenge Neoliberal policy and responses which masquerade as objective science, and opens up the possibility to advocate for radical future alternatives. It is to this end the current piece hopes to contribute.

Citations

  1. Ahern, N. (2005) ‘Mid-term Review of the National Drugs Strategy 2001-2008’. Dublin: The Stationary Office. Available at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/3887/1/2727-2914.pdf (Accessed: 29 June 2017).
  2. Rabbitte, P. (1997) Second Report of the Ministerial Task Force on Measures to Reduce the Demand for Drugs. Dublin: The Stationary Office. Available at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/5114/1/542-0492.pdf (Accessed: 01 July 2017).
  3. Ryan, E. (2001) ‘Building on Experience: The National Drugs Strategy 2001 – 2008’. Dublin: The Stationary Office. Available at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/5187/1/799-750.pdf (Accessed: 03 January 2018).
  4. Irish Government (2013) ‘National Drugs Strategy 2009-2016 Progress Report to End 2013’. Dublin: The Stationary Office. Available at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/21621/1/National_Drugs_Strategy_2009-2016_2013_Review.pdf (Accessed: 05 July 2017).
  5. Irish Government. (2017) ‘Reducing Harm, Supporting Recovery: A Health-led Response to Drug and Alcohol Use in Ireland 2017-2025’. Department of Health: Dublin.

Lecturer in Criminology – Maynooth

12 Feb

Maynooth University are recruiting a Lecturer in Criminology, to support the delivery of their undergraduate programmes, the BCL (Law and Criminology) and BA Criminology, and postgraduate MA in Comparative Criminology and Criminal Justice.

The deadline to apply is Sunday 11th March 2018.

For more information see here.

More about the role: 

‘Candidates should have an excellent broad knowledge of criminological theory and criminal justice. The Department would particularly welcome applications from candidates with a specialist knowledge of policing and/or victimology.

‘The person appointed will have a proven record of teaching, research, and publication, appropriate to career stage. She/he will be expected to make a strong contribution to the teaching mission of the Department, and undertake teaching duties on the Department’s undergraduate and postgraduate programmes as well as the supervision of Master’s and PhD students.

The appointee will be expected to build a strong research profile that supports the University’s research strategy, including affiliating to the Research Institutes, where appropriate, and working with colleagues on national and international research. The appointee will be expected to sustain and conduct research, engage in scholarship of quality and substance, and generate publications of international standard.’

Children with a parent in prison

28 Jun

A new scoping exercise is assessing the extent of research and work being done with children who have a parent in prison. The survey is part of a project – National Advocacy and Research Strategy to support Children Affected by Parental Imprisonment – being undertaken by Dr Fiona Donson and Dr Aisling Parkes (School of Law, University College Cork), the Irish Penal Reform Trust and the Children’s Rights Alliance. The project is funded by the Irish Research Council.

Take Part:

There are two surveys – one for academics or researchers who are researching children with a parent in prison, and one for practitioners/NGO/professions working with children with a parent in prison.

Both surveys are below – please complete and pass along to anyone you think this applies to!

Survey – Those researching children with a parent in prison:

https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/NZD3PD6

Survey – Those working with children with a parent in prison (practitioner/NGO):

https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/XBG9S7G

‘Crime, Justice and Society’ – Free online course from the University of Sheffield

26 May
‘Crime, Justice and Society’ is a free 7-week course from the University of Sheffield.
Utilising the skills, knowledge and experience of 10 leading academics from the School of Law, the course is an expansion of the University’s commitment to open access, digital learning and explores the judicial system of Great Britain and the wider world.
Hashtag: #FLcrime
Twitter: @Shefunionline
Poster_web